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Der Streit um die religiöse Indifferenz

Capitalism, Socialism, and Political Economy,&nbsp;
 is a three‑volume examination of the ideological, historical, and economic forces shaping global politics in the early twenty‑first century. Throughout the volumes, Kui‑Wai Li argues that many political dynamics commonly associated with the alt‑right have roots in the geopolitical and institutional arrangements formed at the end of World War II. Integrating political trends into economic analysis, these books provide an analytical framework for understanding how competing ideological systems continue to influence global development, institutional behavior, and public sentiment.
 Volume I presents the conceptual groundwork, clarifying the distinctions between capitalism and socialism/communism. It provides particular attention to the historical contexts that shaped these ideologies after 1945. The volume explores their respective strengths, weaknesses, and core principles while emphasizing the need to differentiate “difference” from “inequality” and to draw clear boundaries between economic and political claims.
 Building on this foundation, Volume II
 
 applies the framework to contemporary global trends across advanced economies, socialist states, emerging economies, Middle Eastern regions, and newer blocs such as BRICS. Through these cases, the volume analyzes phenomena including Brexit, Trumponomics, cancel culture, and the strategic development models adopted by authoritarian or socialist governments.
 Volume III extends the analysis to the politics of fear and sympathy—two themes the author identifies as shaping current debates around climate change, COVID‑19, welfare systems, and unauthorized immigration. It further examines how concepts such as freedom, choice, privacy, trade, and investment function within different political‑economic systems, including the growing influence of AI on perceptions of autonomy and national strategy. The concluding chapters synthesize insights across the series, offering a comprehensive account of how ideological tensions and institutional constraints continue to structure global political economy.Kui-Wai Li
 is an independent researcher and economist based in Canada. His research centers on political economy, development, policies, trade, and globalization.

Capitalism, Socialism, and Political Economy,&nbsp;
 is a three‑volume examination of the ideological, historical, and economic forces shaping global politics in the early twenty‑first century. Throughout the volumes, Kui‑Wai Li argues that many political dynamics commonly associated with the alt‑right have roots in the geopolitical and institutional arrangements formed at the end of World War II. Integrating political trends into economic analysis, these books provide an analytical framework for understanding how competing ideological systems continue to influence global development, institutional behavior, and public sentiment.
 Volume I presents the conceptual groundwork, clarifying the distinctions between capitalism and socialism/communism. It provides particular attention to the historical contexts that shaped these ideologies after 1945. The volume explores their respective strengths, weaknesses, and core principles while emphasizing the need to differentiate “difference” from “inequality” and to draw clear boundaries between economic and political claims.
 Building on this foundation, Volume II
 
 applies the framework to contemporary global trends across advanced economies, socialist states, emerging economies, Middle Eastern regions, and newer blocs such as BRICS. Through these cases, the volume analyzes phenomena including Brexit, Trumponomics, cancel culture, and the strategic development models adopted by authoritarian or socialist governments.
 Volume III extends the analysis to the politics of fear and sympathy—two themes the author identifies as shaping current debates around climate change, COVID‑19, welfare systems, and unauthorized immigration. It further examines how concepts such as freedom, choice, privacy, trade, and investment function within different political‑economic systems, including the growing influence of AI on perceptions of autonomy and national strategy. The concluding chapters synthesize insights across the series, offering a comprehensive account of how ideological tensions and institutional constraints continue to structure global political economy.

Volumes I, II, and III

Capitalism, Socialism, and Political Economy

Beck Paperback

Warum sind hier alle so schlecht gelaunt? - Auf den Spuren eines deutschen Gefühls 
 
 Wie ticken die Menschen in einer mittelgroßen Stadt, deren große Zeit vorbei zu sein scheint und wo man dank Bevölkerungsschwund mit 60 zu den Jüngeren gehört? Barbara Thériault hat als Reporterin bei der Lokalzeitung angeheuert und ist auf eine ausgeprägte Mischung aus Überschwang und schlechter Laune gestoßen, der sie mit viel Empathie nachgeht. Die Stadt lebt aus der Vergangenheit, und doch könnte sie unser aller Zukunft sein. 
 
 Erster Auftrag: Eine Restaurantkritik für die Wochenendbeilage. Das Essen ist schlecht, aber die Kunst besteht darin, positiv zu berichten, ohne zu beschönigen. Es folgen Berichte über Markthändler, Sportschützen, Wettläufe und Partys, Oldtimer-Treffen, Tantra-Massagen und Cafés mit kitschiger Deko. Zur Feldforschung gehören ebenso Kantinenessen mit den Kollegen oder Gespräche mit den Nachbarinnen in der weitgehend abgerissenen Neubausiedlung. Barbara Thériault versteht es meisterhaft, all das zu einer Erzählung zu verweben, in der sich allmählich ein Gefühlspanorama der Stadt herauskristallisiert, das auf sie abfärbt. Im Mittelpunkt steht immer die Frage, wie die Leute mit der schlechten Laune umgehen: Da gibt es lautes Klagen und ostentative Euphorie, die Suche nach Oasen oder positive Gesten, die Feier der Vergangenheit und die Freude an dem, was noch da ist. Nicht zuletzt schärft schlechte Laune den Blick, und gerade Barbara Thériaults scharfer Blick für vielsagende Details ? Kleidung, Haarschnitte, Möbel ? macht ihr Schlechte-Laune-Buch zum Lesevergnügen.

Warum sind hier alle so schlecht gelaunt? - Auf den Spuren eines deutschen Gefühls 
 Wie ticken die Menschen in einer mittelgroßen Stadt, deren große Zeit vorbei zu sein scheint und wo man dank Bevölkerungsschwund mit 60 zu den Jüngeren gehört? Barbara Thériault hat als Reporterin bei der Lokalzeitung angeheuert und ist auf eine ausgeprägte Mischung aus Überschwang und schlechter Laune gestoßen, der sie mit viel Empathie nachgeht. Die Stadt lebt aus der Vergangenheit, und doch könnte sie unser aller Zukunft sein. 

 
 Erster Auftrag: Eine Restaurantkritik für die Wochenendbeilage. Das Essen ist schlecht, aber die Kunst besteht darin, positiv zu berichten, ohne zu beschönigen. Es folgen Berichte über Markthändler, Sportschützen, Wettläufe und Partys, Oldtimer-Treffen, Tantra-Massagen und Cafés mit kitschiger Deko. Zur Feldforschung gehören ebenso Kantinenessen mit den Kollegen oder Gespräche mit den Nachbarinnen in der weitgehend abgerissenen Neubausiedlung. Barbara Thériault versteht es meisterhaft, all das zu einer Erzählung zu verweben, in der sich allmählich ein Gefühlspanorama der Stadt herauskristallisiert, das auf sie abfärbt. Im Mittelpunkt steht immer die Frage, wie die Leute mit der schlechten Laune umgehen: Da gibt es lautes Klagen und ostentative Euphorie, die Suche nach Oasen oder positive Gesten, die Feier der Vergangenheit und die Freude an dem, was noch da ist. Nicht zuletzt schärft schlechte Laune den Blick, und gerade Barbara Thériaults scharfer Blick für vielsagende Details Kleidung, Haarschnitte, Möbel macht ihr Schlechte-Laune-Buch zum Lesevergnügen.

Schlechte Laune. Eine mittelgroße Stadt, die Leute und ein übermächtiges Gefühl

This book is a selection of my published essays that address the nature of exploitation and how ideology has legitimated its existence in varied manners over the past five millennia. It includes 10 articles from referred journals and two book chapters. Economic exploitation exists when powerful elites expropriate workers’ surplus, their output beyond that needed for their subsistence. Ideology exists when doctrines legitimating the elites’ privileges successfully convince the exploited that the social system is fair and in everyone’s best interest. Exploitation and ideology did not exist for the first 98% of our species’ history as hunter-gatherers. A high degree of economic and political equality prevailed, precluding economic exploitation of the weaker by the more powerful. Without exploitation, there was no role for ideology to play. The adoption of agriculture 10,000 years ago enabled mild inequality, but unstable legitimating ideology within pre-state chiefdoms. Extreme exploitation and powerful ideologies only emerge with the rise of the state 5,500 years ago, the last 2% of human history. States arose in Eurasia when warrior elites with newly available and expensive metal weapons, military organization, and ideology took possession and control of productive wealth, mostly in the form of land. To survive, all others had to work with the elite’s productive wealth and provide them with their surplus output. They did so as slaves, serfs, indebted peasants, and wage workers. Only in the 2nd half of the 19th century did workers gain adequate political power to retain a portion of their surplus. Industrialization brought workers together in factories and urban slums where they could organize to threaten insurrection. To avoid social disorder or even revolution, workers gained better conditions and most importantly the franchise. Possessing most votes, they could rewrite the social script to greatly lessen inequality. That they failed to do so is testimony to elites’ persuasive laissez-faire ideology that convinced them that it would not be in their interest. Only once, due to the extreme hardship of the Great Depression of the 1930s, was the elite’s ideology sufficiently delegitimated to enable political measures that decreased inequality between the 1930s and 1970s. However, laissez-faire ideology resurged to dominance in the late 1970s, legitimating public policies that have exploded inequality over the past 50 years, proving again the extraordinary persuasive power of the elite’s ideology. This collection of essays provides scholars and others with an understanding of the absurdity of how with our unparalleled material abundance we suffer ever greater insecurity, stress, and pessimism. There is urgency that laissez faire ideology be delegitimated before the policies it justifies lead to the destruction of democracy and our ability to avoid ecological Armageddon. These essays will appeal to academics with interests in the dynamics of exploitation and inequality and to those worried about exploding inequality, the survival of democracy, and preserving our habitat.&nbsp;

Studies in Economic Exploitation and Ideology

beck-online.GROSSKOMMENTAR zum SGB: SGB XII 103. Ergänzungslieferung

Carolin Kebekus nimmt sich selbst, die Gesellschaft und alle Mütter und Väter aufs Korn, denn beim Kinderkriegen und Kinderhaben haben offenbar alle ungefragt ein Wörtchen mitzureden.Bilder von bildhübschen neugeborenen Babys, die friedlich schlafen, von makellos schönen, entspannten Müttern direkt nach der Geburt, die liebevoll auf ihren Nachwuchs blicken, von stolzen Vätern, die Blumen und Schmuck bringen, als wären sie mindestens die Heiligen Drei Könige - diese Bilder treffen ziemlich ungebremst auf die Wirklichkeit: Blut, Schweiß, schlaflose Nächte und viel Aua. Dann hilft es sehr, die lustige Seite der vollgemachten Windel zu sehen.Warum Schwangerschaft und Geburt immer noch mit vielen Tabus und falschen Annahmen behaftet sind, was einem als Schwangere und Mutter so alles passieren und entgegengeschleudert werden kann, was man so hört und liest und ungefragt gesagt bekommt, weil es tatsächlich alle besser wissen - das beschreibt dieses Buch mit einer gehörigen Portion Selbstironie und dennoch unbeirrbarem Blick.

8000 Arten, als Mutter zu versagen

This book examines the rise of populism and its impact on public policy and governance in Europe. Interdisciplinary in approach and combining theoretical insights and empirical case studies, it considers what populists do when they govern, and how their actions reshape policy, institutions, and international relations.In order to do so, the book introduces three cross-cutting themes: the style and substance of populism, the populist challenge to democratic governance, and populist governance across borders. It considers how populist actors construct identity, communicate with the public, and translate rhetoric into policy agendas, as well as the ways in which populist actors challenge or undermine democratic institutions and liberal norms. Attention is also given to the policy tools, institutional strategies, and governance styles associated with democratic backsliding, and how populists operate across borders and build transnational networks.The book will appeal to all those interested in public policy, governance, populism, and European studies.Sean Kippin
 is Senior Lecturer in the&nbsp;School of Law, Politics, and Social Sciences, University of Stirling, UK.&nbsp;
 Alexander Mesarovich
 is Postdoctoral Research Fellow at the School of Law, Politics, and Social Sciences, University of Stirling, UK.

This book examines the rise of populism and its impact on public policy and governance in Europe. Interdisciplinary in approach and combining theoretical insights and empirical case studies, it considers what populist actors do when they govern, and how their actions reshape policy, institutions, and international relations. In order to do so, the book introduces three cross-cutting themes: the style and substance of populism, the populist challenge to democratic governance, and populist governance across borders. It considers how populist actors construct identity, communicate with the public, and translate rhetoric into policy agendas, as well as the ways in which populist actors challenge or undermine democratic institutions and liberal norms. Attention is also given to the policy tools, institutional strategies, and governance styles associated with democratic backsliding, and how populists operate across borders and build transnational networks. The book will appeal to all those interested in public policy, governance, populism, and European studies.

From Preaching to Performance

Populist Radical Right Governance and Public Policy in Europe

Grundrechte-Report 2027

Hessische Verfassungs- und Verwaltungsgesetze 137. Ergänzungslieferung

Am 11. März 2026 feiert Rupert Murdoch seinen 95. Geburtstag. Anlässlich dieses Ereignisses erscheint seine ultimative Biographie, geschrieben von der preisgekrönten Journalistin Claire Atkinson (NBC News). 
Rupert Murdoch ist zweifellos einer der mächtigsten, faszinierendsten und umstrittensten Männer der Medienwelt und gilt schon zu Lebzeiten als Legende. Er ist Besitzer zahlloser Zeitungen, Magazine und TV-Sender in vielen Ländern der Erde, darunter auch in Deutschland. Damit war er Herr über die Nachrichten und hatte großen politischen Einfluss. Claire Atkinson hat unvergleichlichen Zugang zu Murdochs innerem Kreis. Ihr wurde das erste Einzelinterview seit vier Jahren mit seinem Sohn und Nachfolger Lachlan gewährt. So gelingt ihr ein einmaliger Blick auf das eindrucksvolle Leben, geschäftlich und privat, und hinter die Kulissen des riesigen Murdoch-Imperiums.

Am 11. März 2026 feiert Rupert Murdoch seinen 95. Geburtstag. Anlässlich dieses Ereignisses erscheint seine ultimative Biographie, geschrieben von der preisgekrönten Journalistin Claire Atkinson (NBC News). 
Rupert Murdoch ist zweifellos einer der mächtigsten, faszinierendsten und umstrittensten Männer der Medienwelt und gilt schon zu Lebzeiten als Legende. Er ist Besitzer zahlloser Zeitungen, Magazine und TV-Sender in vielen Ländern der Erde, darunter auch in Deutschland. Damit war er Herr über die Nachrichten und hatte großen politischen Einfluss. Claire Atkinson hat unvergleichlichen Zugang zu Murdochs innerem Kreis. Ihr wurde das erste Einzelinterview seit vier Jahren mit seinem Sohn und Nachfolger Lachlan gewährt. So gelingt ihr ein einmaliger Blick auf das eindrucksvolle Leben, geschäftlich und privat, und hinter die Kulissen des riesigen Murdoch-Imperiums.

Der Medienmensch des Jahrhunderts - Die Biographie

Rupert Murdoch

Argentine Freedom
 is the first account of the most disruptive figure in Argentine history since the nation’s return to democracy. In just a few years, Javier Milei rose from television economist and social media provocateur to president of a country long defined by crisis, state intervention, and political polarization. His ascent has sparked fierce debate at home and abroad: Is Milei a threat to democracy, a neo-conservative, or the herald of a much larger revival of the classical liberal tradition?
 
 The book provides a balanced examination of Milei’s rise to power. Rather than judging his policies, economic historian Sebastián Álvarez and political philosopher Ezequiel Spector ask a deeper set of questions: Where do Milei’s ideas come from? How do they relate to Argentina’s liberal tradition and its history of populism, socialism, and authoritarianism? And what does his presidency reveal about the tensions between liberty, equality, and democracy in the twenty-first century?&nbsp;
 
 Blending economic history, political philosophy, and contemporary analysis,&nbsp;
 Argentine Freedom
 traces Argentina’s long ideological arc from the liberal foundations of the 1853 Constitution, through Peronism, military rule, neoliberal reform, and the interventionist turn after the 2001 collapse, to the two liberal “waves” that culminated in Milei’s election. Along the way, it unpacks the meanings of liberalism and libertarianism, contrasts them with their main rivals, and situates Milei within both national history and a broader global surge of anti-establishment leaders.
 
 The resulting book offers a new way to understand Javier Milei as a political actor—and Argentina as a country once again at a crossroads.
 Sebastián Álvarez
 is Professor at Universidad Adolfo Ibáñez in Chile and Associate Researcher at the Graduate Institute in Geneva, Switzerland. His work explores the history of finance and banking in Latin America, with particular attention to how capital markets shape economic policy and international relations. He is the author of 
 Mexican Banks and Foreign Finance
 (Palgrave Macmillan, 2019).
 Ezequiel Spector
 is Research Professor and Director of the Master of Arts program in Philosophy, Politics, and Economics at Adolfo Ibáñez University in Chile. He is the author of 
 Freedom as Social Cooperation
 &nbsp;(Palgrave Macmillan, 2026).

Argentine Freedom
 is the first account of the most disruptive figure in Argentine history since the nation’s return to democracy. In just a few years, Javier Milei rose from television economist and social media provocateur to president of a country long defined by crisis, state intervention, and political polarization. His ascent has sparked fierce debate at home and abroad: Is Milei a threat to democracy, a neo-conservative, or the herald of a much larger revival of the classical liberal tradition?
 
 The book provides a balanced examination of Milei’s rise to power. Rather than judging his policies, economic historian Sebastián Álvarez and political philosopher Ezequiel Spector ask a deeper set of questions: Where do Milei’s ideas come from? How do they relate to Argentina’s liberal tradition and its history of populism, socialism, and authoritarianism? And what does his presidency reveal about the tensions between liberty, equality, and democracy in the twenty-first century?&nbsp;
 
 Blending economic history, political philosophy, and contemporary analysis,&nbsp;
 Argentine Freedom
 traces Argentina’s long ideological arc from the liberal foundations of the 1853 Constitution, through Peronism, military rule, neoliberal reform, and the interventionist turn after the 2001 collapse, to the two liberal “waves” that culminated in Milei’s election. Along the way, it unpacks the meanings of liberalism and libertarianism, contrasts them with their main rivals, and situates Milei within both national history and a broader global surge of anti-establishment leaders.
 
 The resulting book offers a new way to understand Javier Milei as a political actor—and Argentina as a country once again at a crossroads.

Javier Milei and the Libertarian Wave

Argentine Freedom

The material assembled in this volume offers a deeper insight into Walter Eucken's attitudes, thought, and actions during the darkest years of Germany's history: the period of National Socialism. Although Eucken, like his associates, destroyed potentially incriminating documents after the failed assassination attempt by Count Stauffenberg on Adolf Hitler on July 20, 1944, the surviving texts mark key stages in a process that ultimately led this determined opponent of the Nazi regime - an opponent from the very beginning - into active resistance against Hitler. 
 

 What rendered Eucken immune to National Socialism from the outset was his philosophically grounded abhorrence of the dissolution of the free individual into the collective, as is inherent in all totalitarian, especially 
 völkisch
 (ethno-nationalist) ideologies. His systematic opposition to the Nazi regime began with refusal, open protest, and confrontation, particularly in response to the rapid 
 Gleichschaltung
 (forced coordination) of the universities, Martin Heidegger's rectorship, and the dismantling of academic freedom by the Nazis. Following Germany's invasion of Poland and several ultimately unsuccessful attempts to exert positive influence on the centers of power in Berlin, his resistance culminated in a - necessarily cautious - participation in conspiratorial activities as an advisor and confidant to the plotters. 
 

 The texts in this volume include notes and sketches of ideas, completed manuscripts that remained unpublished during his lifetime, published essays, a transcript of the lecture "Kampf der Wissenschaften," the record of a public discussion with a Nazi district leader, an expert report commissioned by the Reich Ministry of Economics on possible "sources of war financing" at the end of 1939, the academically significant essay "Wettbewerb als Grundprinzip der Wirtschaftsverfassung" prepared within the Academy for German Law, the chapter Eucken authored for the "Primer of Economics" initiated by Carl Goerdeler, as well as the appendix he co-authored to the memorandum "Wirtschafts- und Sozialordnung" of the Bonhoeffer Circle. This memorandum was prepared on behalf of the Confessing Church with a view to a future world church conference planned for the time after the war and the hoped-for overthrow of Hitler. Retrospective additions include, among other things, Eucken's "Notizen über die Haltung der rechts- und staatswissenschaftlichen Fakultät in Freiburg während der Herrschaft des Nationalsozialismus," his funeral oration for his prematurely deceased colleague Adolf Lampe, and drafts for an obituary of Hans Großmann-Doerth, with whom, together with Franz Böhm, Eucken had launched the research program of the Freiburg School: the development of a legal order conceived as an economic constitution, whose fundamental principle would be competition.
 

 These materials make it possible to trace how Eucken, precisely through his confrontation with the rapidly escalating regime of injustice - with the enforced 
 Gleichschaltung
 , the increasing move toward a planned economy, the persecution of the Jews culminating in genocide, the other atrocities of the dictatorship, and the devastating Second World War - was able to sharpen his conception of a "humane and functional order," diametrically opposed to such a cataclysm. Eucken's theoretical design of a competitive order would later provide direction in the postwar years for the establishment of a social market economy in the young Federal Republic of Germany.

Gesammelte Schriften Band II/1

Auflehnung gegen den NS-Staat

Legal Foundations of American Immigration Policy

Crafting an Immigrant Republic

Wiederkehr der Säkularisierung?

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