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Hubbard-Hall C: Her Secret Service / B

Her Secret Service

The Forgotten Women of British Intelligence

How can a country industrialise without causing environmental damage? How do development professionals ensure they act in the interests of recipients, rather than their own donor country? And how is the humanitarian project of development complicated by ideological objectives? The fourth edition of this renowned textbook covers the most urgent issues facing the field of development. With the return of Russia as a global actor, renewed conflict in the Middle East, and global inequality exacerbated by climate change and global health crises, the questions underpinning international development are increasingly fraught. For most of its history, international development was shaped by Cold War competition; at the turn of the twenty-first century, the paradigm shifted as China assumed a greater role, and post-9/11 US development initiatives were intended to reduce militancy in the Middle East. As these tensions return to the world stage, it is ever more important for students to ask what development is - or should be - and what it can achieve. With increased attention to gender and postcolonial perspectives and strong coverage of security, economics and global order, this book is essential reading for students of international development.

Issues and Challenges

International Development

Oxford Handbooks

The Oxford Handbook of Women and International Law

“This is a book that deserves to be read, discussed, and debated.”—
 Bruce Pietrykowski
 , Professor Emeritus, University of Michigan-Dearborn and author of 
 Work
 “Keynes would have loved this book.”—
 John Komlos
 , Professor Emeritus, University of Munich and author of 
 Foundations of Real-World Economics&nbsp;Humans evolved to experience work as pleasurable and continued to find it pleasurable for the first 98% of our history, often likening it to play. The negative associations we see now with “work” stem from the extreme inequality and exploitation accompanying the rise of the state 5,500 years ago. Consequently, today many people view work negatively, seeing it as a means to gain income to enable consumption as opposed to serving as a means for creativity, community, and self-fulfillment.
 In 
 Why We Must Work
 , Jon D. Wisman draws upon economics, philosophy, evolutionary psychology, social anthropology, and history to explore how work has been experienced and understood over the course of history. In addressing current conditions, he notes the absurdity that, while we live with unparalleled abundance, some workers suffer unemployment and most are not free in their workplaces, often being bossed about. Equally absurd, given our abundance, is the extreme inequality that results in pervasive insecurity, stress, and pessimism. Laissez-faire ideology legitimates the public policies that generate this inequality and these work conditions while depicting ever greater consumption as opposed to meaningful work as the means to greater happiness.
 Wisman offers an attractive alternative vision of our future, grounded in two reforms to make work again fulfilling: guaranteed employment and workplace democracy. Guaranteed employment would provide security and eliminate poverty while providing everyone with the social and self-respect of being a productive member of society. Measures to bring about worker ownership and control of their firms would bring freedom and democracy to the workplace. Both reforms conform to cherished values while preserving capitalism’s two principal institutions of private property and markets.&nbsp;Jon D. Wisman
 is Professor of Economics at American University in Washington, DC. He served as President of the Association for Social Economics in 2002, has twice been selected by American University as Outstanding Teacher of the Year, and was named American University’s Scholar/Teacher of the Year in 2023. He was also a recipient of the 2023 Veblen-Commons Award, in recognition of his significant contributions to evolutionary institutional economics.

Humans evolved to experience work as pleasurable and continued to find it pleasurable for the first 98% of our history, often likening it to play. The negative associations we see now with “work” stem from the extreme inequality and exploitation accompanying the rise of the state 5,500 years ago. Consequently, today many&nbsp;people&nbsp;view work negatively,&nbsp;seeing it as a means to gain income to enable consumption as opposed&nbsp;to serving as a means for creativity, community, and self-fulfillment.
 In&nbsp;
 Why We Must Work
 , Jon D. Wisman draws upon economics, philosophy, evolutionary psychology, social anthropology, and history to explore how work has been experienced and understood over the course of history. In addressing current conditions, he notes the absurdity that, while we live with unparalleled abundance, some workers suffer unemployment and most are not free in their workplaces, often being bossed about. Equally absurd, given our abundance, is the extreme inequality that results in pervasive insecurity, stress, and pessimism. Laissez-faire ideology legitimates the public policies that generate this inequality and these work conditions while depicting ever greater consumption as opposed to meaningful work as the means to greater happiness.
 Wisman offers an attractive alternative vision of our future, grounded in two reforms to make work again fulfilling: guaranteed employment and workplace democracy. Guaranteed employment would provide security and eliminate poverty while providing everyone with the social and self-respect of being a productive member of society. Measures to bring about worker ownership and control of their firms would bring freedom and democracy to the workplace. Both reforms conform to cherished values while preserving capitalism’s two principal institutions of private property and markets.

Economic Freedom, Fulfilling Work, and Workplace Democracy

Why We Must Work

'Richly-layered and packed with insight, this riveting account of terrible events tells us as much about the present as it does the past' Patrick Bishop, author of Paris '44 From Peter the Great to Putin, a biography of the city Hitler tried - and failed - to wipe off the map The siege of Saint Petersburg - then known as Leningrad - stands as a testament to human endurance. Intended by the Nazis as civilian extermination, the numbers who perished in this 900-day ordeal almost outweighed the entire total of British and American troop deaths in the Second World War. The city's 2.5 million residents began to starve as rations shrank and dwindled. As temperatures plunged to minus 43°C, electricity faltered, and fuel ran out. Yet, amid this suffering, the resilience of culture and hope shone through, with orchestras and theatres defiantly continuing their performances, a flicker of humanity against the backdrop of despair. In Saint Petersburg, bestselling historian Sinclair McKay book chronicles the horrors of the siege through immersive prose and gripping first-hand accounts. He also traces the pivotal importance of Saint Petersburg across the centuries, from Peter the Great's visionary founding of the city to the way it has shaped its most infamous son, Vladimir Putin. From its darkest moments to its enduring spirit, Saint Petersburg explore the layers of history that have shaped this extraordinary place. 'McKay is a gifted writer; his prose has the cadence, tone and power of a Shostakovich symphony. Horror is majestically conveyed' Gerard DeGroot, The Times

The City That Defied Hitler

Saint Petersburg

Studien zur Internationalen Geschichte

Die im 21. Jahrhundert omnipräsente Rede von einer „multipolaren“ Welt hat eine lange Vorgeschichte. Als Richard Nixon im Februar 1972 die Volksrepublik China als erster US-Präsident besuchte, titelte der Spiegel „Weltmacht China“. China saß seit 1971 im UN-Sicherheitsrat und diplomatische Beziehungen wurden auch für westliche Staaten zur neuen Normalität. Nun schien sich zu bestätigen, was in den langen 1960er-Jahren diskutiert wurde: ein Aufstieg Chinas zur „Weltmacht“ in einer anbrechenden „multipolaren“ Mächteordnung oder einem „großen Dreieck“. Der „Kalte Krieg“ galt als hochpolarisierte Phase des Ost-West-Konflikts zunehmend als abgeschlossen. Aufgeworfen war die Frage, wohin sich die verändernde Welt entwickeln werde. Der Ost-West-Konflikt schien zu bleiben, wenn auch flankiert durch neue globale Problemlagen. Doch die emphatische Betonung des „weltpolitischen“ Umbruchs durch das Hinzutreten Chinas, potenziell aber auch Japans und des geeinten Westeuropas wich bald Ernüchterung. So geriet diese erste Debatte über eine „multipolare“ Zukunft zunehmend aus dem Blick.
 
 China hatte Zeitgenossen lange als fremd, totalitär und radikal gegolten, aber auch als bedrohliche Macht mal an der Seite, mal im Rücken der Sowjetunion. Das Nebeneinander von ständig festgestelltem Unwissen über das Land hinter dem „Bambusvorhang“, die Erwartungen einer kommenden „Weltmacht“ und später eines „Zukunftsmarktes“ machten die Volksrepublik zu einer produktiven Unbekannten, lud zu weitreichenden Spekulationen und zur fundierten Beschäftigung gleichermaßen ein.
 
 Andreas Plöger beleuchtet in seiner diskurshistorischen Studie Weltordnungsdiskurse und konkret das Sprechen über „Weltpolitik“ am Beispiel Chinas, die Einführung neuer Begriffe von der „Polarität“ bis zur „Supermacht“ sowie die Wissensproduktion über die Volksrepublik in den 1960er- und 1970er-Jahren.

Die Volksrepublik China in westdeutschen Weltordnungsdiskursen der 1960er und 1970er Jahre

„Weltmacht China“?

Winner of the Gilder Lehrman Military History Prize, the first global history of the world's first world war. Austerlitz, Wagram, Borodino, Trafalgar, Leipzig, Waterloo: these are the places most closely associated with the era of the Napoleonic Wars. But how did this period of nearly continuous conflict affect the world beyond Europe? The immensity of the fighting waged by France against England, Prussia, Austria, and Russia, and the immediate consequences of the tremors that spread throughout the world. In this ambitious and far-ranging work, Alexander Mikaberidze argues that the Napoleonic Wars can only be fully understood in an international perspective. France struggled for dominance not only on the plains of Europe but also in the Americas, West and South Africa, Ottoman Empire, Iran, India, Indonesia, the Philippines, Mediterranean Sea, and the Atlantic and Indian Oceans. Taking specific regions in turn, Mikaberidze discusses major political-military events around the world and situates geopolitical decision-making within its long- and short-term contexts. From the British expeditions to Argentina and South Africa to the Franco-Russian maneuvering in the Ottoman Empire, the effects of the French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars would shape international affairs well into the next century. In Egypt, the wars led to the rise of Mehmed Ali and the emergence of a powerful state; in North America, the period transformed and enlarged the newly established United States; and in South America, the Spanish colonial empire witnessed the start of national-liberation movements that ultimately ended imperial control. Skillfully narrated and deeply researched, here at last is the global history of the period, one that expands our view of the Napoleonic Wars and their role in laying the foundations of the modern world.

A Global History

The Napoleonic Wars

'A fascinating book about four women - it tells us so much about their world, and about our own. What jumps off the page is the liveliness of the women, their passion, their courage and their own way of being...' PHILIPPA GREGORY, author of The Other Boleyn Girl and Normal Women 'A celebration of female ambition and endeavour... enormous fun' The Sunday Times A spectacular, vivid, groundbreaking work of history which takes us into the minds and lives of medieval women. What was life really like for women in the medieval period? How did they think about sex, death and God? Could they live independent lives? And how can we hear their stories? Few women had the luxury of writing down their thoughts and feelings during medieval times. But remarkably, there are at least four extraordinary women who did. Marie de France, a poet; Julian of Norwich, a mystic and anchoress; Christine de Pizan, a widow and court writer; and Margery Kempe, a "no-good wife". In their own ways these four very different writers pushed back against the misogyny of the period. Each broke new ground in women's writing and left us incredible insights into the world of medieval life and politics. This mesmerizing book is an unforgettably lively and immersive journey into the everyday lives of medieval women through the stories of these four iconic women writers, some of which are retold here for general readers for the first time.

The Extraordinary Lives of Medieval Women

Poet, Mystic, Widow, Wife

A whip-smart, funny, and timely memoir about one worker’s 12 years at Google and her journey from buying in to buying out, and being radicalized in a sea of false promises, fake work, and bad bosses.Hugely clever and uncanny, Don't Be Evil&nbsp;is a biting look back at a surreal era in tech, asking: How do we disentangle ourselves from work, when work demands our whole self? For readers of How to Do Nothing and Careless People, Stapleton's candid book grapples with what it means to find a sense of identity and power beyond our jobs, in a culture that tells us our career is who we are.

A whip-smart, funny, and timely memoir about one worker’s 12 years at Google and her journey from buying in to buying out, and being radicalized in a sea of false promises, fake work, and bad bosses.Hugely clever and uncanny, Don't Be Evil&nbsp;is a biting look back at a surreal era in tech, asking: How do we disentangle ourselves from work, when work demands our whole self? For readers of How to Do Nothing and Careless People, Stapleton's candid book grapples with what it means to find a sense of identity and power beyond our jobs, in a culture that tells us our career is who we are.

Bad Bosses, Fake Promises, and My Escape from Big Tech

Don't Be Evil

The Theory and Practice of Crisis Decision-Making

Inside the Situation Room

Mercatus Studies in Political and Social Economy

“In&nbsp;
 Disruptive Orders
 , authors Nona and Virgil Storr provide a compelling reassessment of the significance of the Burma Road Riot.… Beyond a solid theoretical intervention, the authors are to be commended for the depth of archival and ethnographic research that makes this study an excellent contribution to Bahamian social-political history and larger studies on public disturbances.”—Christopher Curry, author of&nbsp;
 Freedom and Resistance
 "This book provides a fascinating account of the 1942 riot that occurred in the Bahamas.”—Matthew Moran, author of 
 The Republic and the Riots
 “As a Bahamian and as someone who has spent years in public service, I fully&nbsp;endorse&nbsp;the powerful and necessary insights that&nbsp;
 Disruptive Orders
 brings to our understanding of the 1942 riot and its lasting impact on The Bahamas. This important work reframes the event as a catalyst for change. It does not glorify unrest but provides a thoughtful framework to understand why such moments arise and how they shape the trajectory of a people.”—J. Kwasi Thompson, Member of Parliament for East Grand Bahama and Former Minister of State for Grand Bahama and Finance
 
 “Hayekian spontaneous order meets the theory and practice of urban riots. In&nbsp;
 Disruptive Orders
 , Nona and Virgil Storr offer a fascinating and persuasive account of the role of spontaneous street protests in driving social change. Creative social theory at its best.”—Mark Pennington, author of 
 Foucault and Liberal Political Economy
 Are riots more than just breakdowns of order? Are rioters just violently and chaotically disrupting the status quo or are they individuals acting together in a&nbsp;surprisingly orderly manner? In 
 Disruptive Orders
 , 
 
 Nona Martin Storr and Virgil Henry Storr argue that riots are rule-governed, self-generating, emergent phenomena. Viewing riots as what they call “tensive emergent orders” offers a grammar for discussing riots that foregrounds the motivations and actions of individual rioters, the tacit rules that rioters follow, and the socio-political causes and consequences of riots . Applying this grammar to the 1942 riot that occurred in the Bahamas, Storr and Storr demonstrate how the 1942 riot was not just a momentary outburst but a watershed event in the country’s history, ushering in far-reaching socio-political changes. As we move into an era of frequent extreme protests, 
 Disruptive Orders 
 urges us to rethink why the threatened and marginalized sometimes speak through riots and gives us a framework to assess the impact of their speaking in this way.
 Nona Martin Storr
 &nbsp;is Senior Affiliated Scholar at the Mercatus Center at George Mason University. Her scholarly work has focused on the political and social histories of disadvantaged communities. She holds a PhD in History from George Mason University and a MA in Public History (with an emphasis in oral history) from Loyola University Chicago. Her writings on riots have appeared in the 
 Journal of Caribbean History
 , 
 Island Studies Journal 
 and 
 Space and Culture
 .
 Virgil Henry Storr
 &nbsp;is the Don C. Lavoie Senior Fellow in the he Mercatus Center's F.A. Hayek Program in Philosophy, Politics and Economics a Professor of Economics, and a Professor of Economics at George Mason University.&nbsp;Storr’s previous book with Palgrave Macmillan include 
 Do Markets Corrupt Our Morals? 
 and 
 Community Revival in the Wake of Disaster
 .

Are riots more than just breakdowns of order? Are rioters just violently and chaotically disrupting the status quo or are they individuals acting together in a&nbsp;surprisingly orderly manner? In 
 Disruptive Orders
 , 
 
 Nona Martin Storr and Virgil Henry Storr argue that riots are rule-governed, self-generating, emergent phenomena. Viewing riots as what they call “tensive emergent orders” offers a grammar for discussing riots that foregrounds the motivations and actions of individual rioters, the tacit rules that rioters follow, and the socio-political causes and consequences of riots . Applying this grammar to the 1942 riot that occurred in the Bahamas, Storr and Storr demonstrate how the 1942 riot was not just a momentary outburst but a watershed event in the country’s history, ushering in far-reaching socio-political changes. As we move into an era of frequent extreme protests, 
 Disruptive Orders 
 urges us to rethink why the threatened and marginalized sometimes speak through riots and gives us a framework to assess the impact of their speaking in this way.

Her Secret Service

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