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Watling Jack: Statecraft

Statecraft

The New Rules of Power in a Divided World

Cass Military Studies

This book&nbsp;provides a comprehensive overview of the current state of the Russian armed forces.

This book&nbsp;provides a comprehensive overview of the current state of the Russian armed forces.

A Modern Military for 21st Century Warfare?

Russia's Armed Forces

Routledge Religion, Society and Government in Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet States

In communist Eastern Europe the churches were often a focus for opposition to communism, and in the immediate post-communist period churches played a key role in fostering national cohesion, promoting a conservative political agenda, and in rewriting national narratives to eliminate or revise communist narratives. These activities, which are implicitly conservative and nationalistic, are not naturally in step with European integration. This book explores the relationship between religion and politics in post-communist Europe, focusing especially on the degree to which religion, and religious involvement in politics, encourage Euroscepticism.

In communist Eastern Europe the churches were often a focus for opposition to communism, and in the immediate post-communist period the churches often played a key role in fostering national cohesion, in promoting a conservative political agenda, sometimes in formal alliances with political parties, and in rewriting national narratives to eliminate or revise communist versions of such narratives. These activities, which are implicitly conservative and nationalistic, are not naturally in step with European integration. This book explores the relationship between religion and politics in post-communist Europe, focusing especially on the degree to which religion, and religious involvement in politics, encourage Euroscepticism. The book, which covers a range of East European countries, shows how religion is very important as a political force, how religion’s contribution to Euroscepticism varies between countries, and how in some circumstances, especially when a religious-based party is in power and has to deal with Brussels, religion can favour European integration. The book includes coverage of Catholic, Orthodox and Muslim countries, and includes discussion of how religious organisations, which often engage in lobbying in Brussels, relate to the European Union itself.

Religion and Euroscepticism in Post-Communist Europe

Routledge Contemporary Africa

Focusing primarily on different phases of the post-independent Zimbabwean polity, the book draws on trends, practices and frames of reference which are applicable to many an African postcolony. These include the role, place and influence of traditional, non-mediated forms of political mobilisation, the place of discourses of colonial memory (and struggles against colonialism) in contemporary political communication, the place of the media in African society today, the nature and role of the African civil society, the rural-urban divide and the attendant variations in political messaging, the place of orality in African political communication, the role and possible influence of social media in political communication, among other factors.

Political Communication in Zimbabwe contributes to the emerging scholarly work on theorising political communication in non-Western contexts. Focusing primarily on different phases of the post-independent Zimbabwean polity, the book draws on trends, practices and frames of reference which are applicable to many an African postcolony. These include the role, place and influence of traditional, non-mediated forms of political mobilisation, the place of discourses of colonial memory (and struggles against colonialism) in contemporary political communication, the place of the media in African society today, the nature and role of the African civil society, the rural-urban divide and the attendant variations in political messaging, the place of orality in African political communication, the role and possible influence of social media in political communication, among other factors. The book draws on archival research, in-depth interviews with former and current political players, political journalists, and civil society players), multimedia document analysis, and other secondary literature. As such it is an important read for students and scholars of political communication, politics and the media, and politics in Africa.

Mediations of Power in an African Context

POLITICAL COMMUNICATION IN ZIMBABWE

The story of the movement to establish the International Criminal Court, its tumultuous first decade, and its continuing struggle to make a difference.

Ten years ago, in the wake of massive crimes in central Africa and the Balkans, the first permanent international criminal court was established in The Hague despite resistance from some of the world's most powerful states. In the past decade, the court has grown from a few staff in an empty building to a bustling institution with more than a thousand lawyers, investigators, and administrators from around the world. Despite its growth and the backing of more than 120 nations, the ICC is still struggling to assert itself in often turbulent political crises.

The ICC is generally autonomous in its ability to select cases and investigate crimes, but it is ultimately dependent on sovereign states, and particularly on the world's leading powers. These states can provide the diplomatic, economic, and military clout the court often needs to get cooperation-and to arrest suspects. But states don't expend precious political capital lightly, and the court has often struggled to get the help it needs. When their interests are most affected, moreover, powerful states usually want the court to keep its distance. Directly and indirectly, they make their preferences known in The Hague. 

Rough Justice grapples with the court's basic dilemma: designed to be apolitical, it requires the support of politicians who pursue national interests and answer to domestic audiences. Through a sharp analysis of the dynamics at work behind the scenes, Bosco assesses the ways in which powerful states have shaped the court's effort to transform the vision of international justice into reality. This will be the definitive account of the Court and its uneven progress toward advancing accountability around the world.

The International Criminal Court in a World of Power Politics

Rough Justice

Earthscan Food and Agriculture

This advanced level textbook offers students an engaging platform to understand the economic impact of agricultural policies on global food markets.

This advanced level textbook offers students an engaging platform to understand the economic impact of agricultural policies on global food markets.

Agricultural Policy and Global Food Markets

US Foreign Policy and Conflict in the Islamic World

The United States and Turkey were extraordinarily close allies during most of the Cold War with Turkey being central to U.S. strategy in the Middle East. In the aftermath, the United States and Turkey faced a range of new challenges to their relationship which nonetheless remained strong until the 2003 Iraq War. The U.S.-led invasion of Iraq and the overthrow of Saddam Hussein revealed divergences in the interests of the two allies and led to tensions not seen since the 1974 Turkish invasion of Cyprus. Lansford and Pauly seek to identify the main convergences and divergences of U.S. and Turkish interests and analyzes the trends in relations between the two states. They provide a thorough examination of national interests and how those interests define foreign and security policy for the two states. The examination of interests provides deep insight into the U.S.-Turkish relationship. The book explores U.S. support or opposition to Turkish actions toward Greece, Cyprus and the Kurds within the broader context of the machinations of U.S. foreign policy toward the Middle East, including support for Israel and efforts to contain first Iran and then Iraq.

The United States and Turkey were extraordinarily close allies during most of the Cold War with Turkey being central to U.S. strategy in the Middle East. In the aftermath, the United States and Turkey faced a range of new challenges to their relationship which nonetheless remained strong until the 2003 Iraq War.  The U.S.-led invasion of Iraq and the overthrow of Saddam Hussein revealed divergences in the interests of the two allies and led to tensions not seen since the 1974 Turkish invasion of Cyprus.  Lansford and Pauly seek to identify the main convergences and divergences of U.S. and Turkish interests and analyzes the trends in relations between the two states. They provide a thorough examination of national interests and how those interests define foreign and security policy for the two states.  The examination of interests provides deep insight into the U.S.-Turkish relationship. The book explores U.S. support or opposition to Turkish actions toward Greece, Cyprus and the Kurds within the broader context of the machinations of U.S. foreign policy toward the Middle East, including support for Israel and efforts to contain first Iran and then Iraq.

Relationships, Challenges and Tensions

US Foreign Policy and Turkey

Routledge Studies on Government and the European Union

The book will examine the ways in which an education policy field has been constructed in Europe since the early 1970s and will explore how this field has never really been peripheral or 'secondary' as, perhaps its silencing from mainstream EU integration studies and political science has rendered it to be. Rather, it will show the ways that governing education has been integral in the processes of creating a European home market, at the heart of the neo-mercantilist project in the '80s, as well as during the later dominance of the neo-liberal ideology in the'90s-2000s and the efforts to create a competitive supra-state.

Educating Europe follows a political sociology approach for the analysis of the education policy domain in the European Union. The book will examine the ways in which an education policy field has been constructed in Europe since the early 1970s. It will explore how this field has never really been peripheral or ‘secondary’ as, perhaps its silencing from mainstream EU integration studies and political science has rendered it to be. Rather, it will show the ways that governing education has been integral in the processes of creating a European home market, at the heart of the neo-mercantilist project in the ‘80s, as well as during the later dominance of the neo-liberal ideology in the’90s-2000s and the efforts to create a competitive supra-state. It will develop an original understanding of the role of international organisations by establishing a preliminary, alternative perspective in the policy learning literature, which has so far been dominated by the idea of the transfer of practices and ideas from ‘Europe’ to the nation. It will explore how policy problems are constructed, the processes that institutionalise them into ‘objective’ and ‘real’ public issues and their legitimation through the fabrication of relevant monitoring instruments and the need for action.Educating Europe will be of key interest to students, practitioners and scholars of education policy, EU studies, European studies, comparative education, sociology, and social and public policy

EU government, knowledge and legitimation

Educating Europe

Sex, Gender, and Politics explores how to think about political behavior based on empirical evidence of sex differences in attitudes and behaviors within the context of gendered norms and institutions. Drawing upon advancements in fields such as social psychology, cognitive neuroscience, behavioral economics, and even behavioral genetics, Rebecca J. Hannagan uses a biosocial approach to think about sex, gender, and political behavior.

Increasingly research shows that women and men not only perceive people and situations quite differently, but that we might expect different political attitudes and behaviors from them as a result. Recent studies suggest gender-balanced group dynamics can impact decision making in ways that old models of politics and leadership do not capture. Previous models were based on notions of socialized gender roles, as well as notions about leadership being gendered masculine, but these notions are evolving. From both scholarly and practical standpoints, our thinking about sex, gender, and politics needs an update. Sex, Gender, and Politics explores how to think about political behavior based on empirical evidence of sex differences in attitudes and behaviors within the context of gendered norms and institutions. Although "women in politics" as a subfield of political science and a political agenda is important, this book shows that there are reasons beyond equality and representation to pay attention to sex and gender. Drawing upon advancements in fields such as social psychology, cognitive neuroscience, behavioral economics, and even behavioral genetics, Rebecca J. Hannagan uses a biosocial approach to think about sex, gender, and political behavior. The book also addresses the political problem that women do not serve in public office at the same rate as their male counterparts, arguing that the issue is not merely one of concern to women’s rights movements or a matter of equality, but one that leaves political deliberation and democratic politics sorely lacking based on current research on gender balance and group dynamics. This book takes categories typical of any course in political psychology and political behavior—as well as women and politics or gender politics—and reframes them, not only by focusing on sex differences, gender roles, and gendered institutions, but via a biosocial approach to attitudes and behaviors. This reframing is essential for courses on political behavior and gender and politics and presents an updated way of thinking about politics that should appeal to students and scholars alike.

A Biosocial Approach to Political Behavior

Sex, Gender, and Politics

The targeted assassination of Major-General Qasem Soleimani on 3 January 2020 brought into sharp focus the expansion of Iran's irregular warfare capabilities and network of highly capable proxy actors. This network, overseen by the Quds Force of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) and its mysterious and charismatic leader, has become a critical actor in shaping the Middle East. 
Painting the General fills a key gap in our knowledge of this phenomenon by exploring the role, image and framing of the Qods Force leader as a newly omnipotent and all conquering Iranian hero who has propped up the Islamic Republic's waning support internally and acted as a potent foreign policy symbol and rallying point externally. 
 
The book explores the multiple dimensions of Hajj Qasem's image, its construction, use and reception among different audiences. Bridging the gap between a traditional political biography and a work of comparative and regional politics, it places Soleimani within multiple frames of resonance, examining how his image and persona have been shaped by himself, by the regime and by outsiders to create a powerful and increasingly essential narrative which, over time, placed Soleimani as a key powerbroker in Iranian and regional politics. 
 
 Based on a newly developed analytical framework and fieldwork in Iran, Iraq and Lebanon the volume draws extensively on Persian and Arabic sources, as well as detailed exploration of the iconography used to frame Soliemani as a new, more secular Iranian hero who has resonance far beyond Iran's borders.

Over the past two decades Iran's irregular warfare capabilities have expanded dramatically with a network of highly capable proxy actors emerging and consolidating. This network, developed by the Quds Force of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps was expertly directed by its mysterious and charismatic leader Major-General Qasem Soleimani.

Qasem Soleimani, Iranian Propaganda and Shi'a Militia Politics

Painting the General

Indigenous Peoples and the Law

Human Rights, the Rule of Law and Exploitation in the Postcolony: Blood Minerals examines how the legal frameworks of the global economy position the inhabitants of the postcolonial south in a legal and moral position that facilitates economic exploitation, juridical regulation, and dominion over land and resources. Drawing on several exemplary situations - from Africa (the DRC and Nigeria), Asia (India), the Pacific region (Papua New Guinea and Australia) and South America (Ecuador) - Blood Minerals describes how colonial rule operates in a violent and destructive cycle of mineral extraction. It shows how the populations of the postcolonial global south are stripped of juridical personality and become persona nullius, as the legal-economic frameworks of globalization enact colonial rule by declaring the lands that are to be exploited as void of law.

Human Rights, the Rule of Law and Exploitation in the Postcolony: Blood Minerals examines how the legal frameworks of the global economy position the inhabitants of the postcolonial south in a legal and moral position that facilitates economic exploitation, juridical regulation, and dominion over land and resources. The colonial moment witnessed the expropriation of lands through their declaration as terra nullius and the designation of the people inhabiting them as persona nullius. Drawing on several exemplary situations – from Africa (the DRC and Nigeria), Asia (India), the Pacific region (Papua New Guinea and Australia) and South America (Ecuador) – Blood Minerals describes how colonial rule operates in a violent and destructive cycle of mineral extraction. It shows how the populations of the postcolonial global south are stripped of juridical personality and become persona nullius, as the legal-economic frameworks of globalization enact colonial rule by declaring the lands that are to be exploited as void of law. It is the revival of this colonial trope in the so-called postcolony, the book argues, that legitimates the violent dispossession, displacement, and even the obliteration, of its inhabitants.

Blood Minerals

Human Rights, the Rule of Law and Exploitation in the Postcolony

Over the past 20 years, 33,000 North Korean refugees have escaped to South Korea, though their plight in South Korea is largely unknown.

A Hard Freedom for North Korean Refugees

Beyond Borders

Statecraft

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